Urban Space Securitization: Foreign Visits to Soviet Omsk in the 1920s

. The First World War had an enormous impact on the perception by the sovereign national states of their own territorial space. For a number of countries, the end of the war was accompanied by a change in their policy towards national borders, including the rules of border crossing. In Russia, where radical political changes took place in the late 1910s – early 1920s, the authorities also tightened the control over the movement of people, including foreigners. Using Omsk as an example, the article demonstrates how the city, which used to be open to foreigners in the pre-revolutionary period, became a restricted-access city in the Soviet period. On the basis of the study of travelogues, newspaper articles, and published archival documents, the author shows how the admission of foreigners to Omsk was regulated in the 1920s–60s against the background of restricting access of foreign nationals to the cities and entire territories of national significance. The article shows that the formal transfer of the capital of Siberia from Omsk to Novo-Nikolaevsk after the Civil War had far-reaching consequences. However, until the mid-1920s, Omsk was still perceived as the main Siberian city. From 1926 to 1938, Omsk was one of the main stations on the round-the-world routes used by American travelers and pilots. Along with Moscow, Omsk played an important role in helping to set world records in the speed of travelling round the world. The Soviet authorities sought not only to control the process of travel but also to influence the Americans’ impressions of the USSR on order to shape a positive image of the country abroad. It has been shown that access to Omsk became restricted as a result of a number of decisions made by the Soviet central authorities in the 1940s–50s. It is important to note that in the post-Stalin era, the existing ban for foreigners to visit Omsk was not reconsidered. Only trustworthy representatives of the countries with which the Soviet Union maintained privileged relationships were allowed to visit Omsk on extraordinary occasions.


Introduction
The history of foreign visits to Omsk has been studied rather unevenly.Stay in Omsk of travellers and foreign scientists who explored Siberia in the 18 th century and took Russian citizenship is researched quite well. 1 Insufficient is the attention paid to the first half of the 19 th century, the time when the provincial city fortress was situated quite far away from the transit cities of the Siberian Route and travellers bypassed Omsk without visiting.The main emphasis in the study of travel history of those years is placed on scientific trips of prominent scientists along the Irtysh. 2 A little better is the situation with the study of foreigners staying in Omsk in the second half of the 19 th -the early 20 th century, i.e. in the post-reform period.Separate stories related to the description of the city by foreign travellers that contain excerpts from travelogues are published in the form of short articles. 3The largest number of works is devoted to various aspects of the foreigners' participation in the social and political life of Omsk during the Civil War and their perception of the struggle for power in Siberia in 1918-22.The topics covered include the issues of attitude to the foreign military presence in Siberia in the pages of the anti-Bolshevik press, 4 everyday life of the Civil War in Omsk reflected in the materials of newsreels, 5 and visits of some Anglo-American journalists to "white" and "red" Omsk. 6At the same time, there are still no studies devoted to the changes in the perception of revolutionary Omsk by foreigners in the late 1910searly 1920s.Despite the fact that the city continued to seem interesting and appealing to foreigners until the 1960s, visits to Soviet Omsk by foreign guests and travellers have been studied most poorly by researchers.Two articles about visits of delegations form socialist countries to Omsk in the 1960s have been published only recently. 7he article examines the history of the British and American visits to Omsk in the context of securitization of space of the Soviet state in the period between the 1920s and the 1960s.The very concept of securitization used by the author in this article is related to the theory of the same name proposed by the Copenhagen school of international relations and later supplemented and improved by international relations specialists.The concept of securitization seeks to answer basic research questions related to the emergence of situations potentially or actually undermining state (public) order and certain ways of responding to emerging threats.Initially, researchers believed that the provisions of this theory were relevant primarily with regard to the issues of confrontation between states and the use of military force.Over time, however, these provisions began to be applied to the study of other social phenomena, where it was possible to discover the interaction between several major actors creating a case of securitization. 8In terms of the history of Russia, we are L.V. Belgorodskaya, N.I.Drozdov, and E.A. Vonog, "The Visualized Daily Life of the Civil War in Siberia: A Source Analysis of the American Newsreel 'Allied Expeditionary Forces in Siberia' (1918-1920)  (Omsk, October 30-31, 2017), ed.P.P. Vibe, 322-25 (Omsk: Omskii gosudarstvennyi istoriko-kraevedcheskii muzei, 2017); S.V. Novikov, "Josip Broz in Omsk.To the History of Russian Revolution, Russian Civil War and Socialist Construction" [in Russian], Omskii nauchnyi vestnik.Seriya: Obshchestvo.Istoriya.Sovremennost', vol.4, no. 3 (2019) primarily talking about the state as the main actor, which perceives domestic policy as a system of measures to ensure national security.The peculiarity of Russian policy is an expansive understanding of the application of securitization measures, which often leads to their implementation in all spheres of social life. 9istorians hardly used this approach to study the history of Russia's foreign and domestic policy earlier.Recently, however, the securitization theory has become more actively used in the study of various historical processes. 10In particular, the article by O. Ermolaeva dedicated to the Soviet-Finnish border as an object of state securitization mentions that the early Soviet phenomenon of border protection (in a broader sense) included military mobilization measures, propaganda campaigns focused on the external threat, and repression against the local border population.The combination of these measures was seen as an effective approach to border control in the context of external threats. 11However, state securitization was not limited to this.The movement of foreigners within the Soviet state was also subject to close control.Moreover, the use of this method was not an innovation.Before traveling to the Russian Empire in pre-revolutionary times, foreigners had to obtain a separate passport to present at the border and to have a document for checking in at hotels or for registration in a settlement. 12fter the establishment of the new state system, supervision over the movement of people within Russia became much stricter.In 1920, control over the Soviet border within the RSFSR was transferred to a specially established structure, Special Department of the All-Russian Extraordinary Commission (the VChK) for Border Protection.In the fall of 1922, the Separate Frontier Corps of the troops of the Main Political Directorate (the GPU) was responsible for border protection.As long as the main task of the VChK-GPU was to fight counterrevolution and smuggling, the rules of movement and registration of foreigners within the republic were also tightened.
In June 1919, the People's Commissariat of Internal Affairs of the RSFSR issued a decree "On the Registration of Foreign Citizens Residing in the RSFSR," which ordered all foreigners in Soviet Russia to get registered within seven days after the publication of the decree.In addition, foreigners were obliged to personally notify the registration institutions (house committees and house commandants) of any change in their address.Failure or refusal to get registered implied responsibility "to the full extent of military revolutionary time," meaning the arrest of the evader. 13n 1921-22, two new decrees of the Council of People's Commissars of the RSFSR, "On the Entry of Foreigners from Abroad into the Territory of the RSFSR" and "On the Departure Abroad of Citizens of the RSFSR and Foreigners," established the procedure for foreigners crossing the border of the Soviet state.To visit Soviet Russia, they now had to obtain a visa from the Plenipotentiary Representative of the RSFSR abroad.An indispensable attribute of the procedure was filling a questionnaire, the purpose of which was to find out the purpose of the trip and the itinerary. 14In 1925, this procedure of entry became all-union. 15arly Soviet regulations trace the continuity of the laws and rules of entry for foreigners that had existed before the revolution.The main differences include greater attention to the itinerary and greater control over the actions and movements of foreigners in the territory of Soviet state.Initially, the authorities of Soviet Russia did not restrict foreigners in the directions of their travel, and a special permit was required only for travelling by the Trans-Siberian Railway. 16ver time, bigger areas and zones where any travel for all foreign citizens was prohibited appeared in the country.As a result, the strictest order of travel within the Soviet Union included the presence of four key elements: 1) documents confirming the right to stay in the territory of the USSR; 2) a list of territories and cities available for foreigners to visit; 3) approved means of traveling within the territory; 4) an agreed itinerary, which could not be deviated from or changed independently.
The choice of Omsk as an object of research is connected with the fact that the city's position changed significantly during the Soviet years.From an open dynamically developing center of agricultural trade, in which foreign firms actively participated, the city turned into a powerful industrial center of Western Siberia, which made it closed to foreigners.It appears interesting to the author, using the example of the history of foreigners visiting Omsk, to study the process of securitization of space, i.e., how and under what circumstances the regional and republican cities of the Soviet Union became partially or completely closed.
In the 1920s and later, foreign travellers could no longer travel freely in Siberia and visit Omsk as they did in the pre-revolutionary times.However, between the 1920s and the 1960s, three periods of foreign visits to this city can be distinguished in the context of the securitization of space of the Soviet state.
The first period was in the early 1920s, when Anglo-American journalists who had already to Omsk before, were able to visit the city.They published a number of articles and books describing their stay in Omsk, comparing the city before and after the revolution.In particular, the journalists noted the slow speed of railroad service and the new policy of local authorities on checking documents.
The second period of foreigners visiting the city is associated with the era of the formation of Soviet aviation and the time of international transcontinental flights, some of which passed through the airfield in Omsk.In the period between 1926 and 1938, Omsk was mentioned in the pages of the Anglo-American press as one of the points of round-the-world or transcontinental journeys.At that time, the main visitors were foreign pilots and travellers flying through Omsk in transit, assisted and escorted by the Soviet authorities.During those years, foreigners' trips to Omsk were fully controlled by the representatives of the authorities, and all travellers moved only as part of delegations.
The third period (1940s-60s) was the time when foreigners were banned from visiting large parts of Siberia.After a short period of alliance between the USSR and the USA during the Great Patriotic War, Soviet-American relations began to quickly deteriorate.In parallel, Omsk continued to actively build up the capacities of military-strategic enterprises.The city was becoming one of the largest industrial centers, which soon led to its closure to all foreign citizens.Only several foreign journalists and friendly foreign delegations could visit Omsk in the 1950s by special permission from Moscow.There was also the possibility of a transit connection at the local airport, however, without the right to leave the airport and enter the city.

Omsk in the first half of the 1920s in the perception of Anglo-American journalists: post-war depression and document checks
In early November 1919, shortly before the Red Army attacked Omsk, British military and railroad missions began preparations for evacuation to the East, deep into Siberia.They managed to leave the city just before the Red Army entered it.The latter occupied Omsk without a fight, having managed to disarm the White Army units stationed there.The city finally came under the control of the Soviet power, and the "third capital of Russia" in its pre-revolutionary status ceased to exist.A brief description of the British escaping to Krasnoyarsk can be found in the memoirs of war correspondent McCullagh, a member of the British military mission at the time. 17n June 1921, Novo-Nikolaevsk became the administrative and political center of Siberia by decision of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, one of the central organs of Soviet power.It was important for the new authorities to emphasize the break with the past.Omsk was perceived as the capital of the Kolchak government, which was unacceptable to the Bolsheviks.But it was because of the city's recent past that Omsk continued to arouse interest of the foreign correspondents who wanted to know what changed in the city in the first years of the Soviet rule.Despite the great interest, few journalists went to Siberia.Due to the aforementioned tightening of the rules of registration and travel within the country and difficult situation at the state borders, travelling within Russia was no longer considered safe.Pre-war tourist routes by rail had not been restored, and the Soviet state's attitude to foreign travellers changed.First of all, the authorities wanted to see only loyal or communist-friendly foreigners in Soviet Russia.Second, emphasis was placed on receiving foreign visitors in organized groups.Second, after their return, such foreigners were expected to give favorable feedback abroad about what they had seen in Bolshevik Russia. 18This approach led to the fact that it was the authorities who decided what foreigners should see in Russia and what they should not see.
The new policy regarding foreign tourists was implemented gradually.As shown above, the period of development of new rules took the entire first half of the 1920s.Strict requirements for the movement of foreigners in Russia did not immediately replace the chaos already present in this area.For example, intending to leave Soviet Russia in early 1920 through the Finnish border, McCullagh was able to travel across Siberia without a passport, presenting his photograph from the New York World newspaper during all inspections. 19he Soviet authorities sought to somehow centralize the movement of foreigners around the country.The foreigners who arrived in Moscow and planned to move further east had to obtain a separate permit to travel by the Trans-Siberian Railway.At the same time, long journeys to Siberia were troubled with numerous difficulties related to the lasting lack of resources.American journalist F.A. Mackenzie, who visited Omsk in the summer of 1922, noted that the quality and speed of travel on the Moscow-Irkutsk express train were even lower than in the pre-war times.There were not enough trains, they were idle at stations for long periods due to fuel shortage, and passengers could wait for a free seat on the train for several days or even weeks. 20pon arrival in Omsk, foreigners described the situation there as miserable.According to McCullagh, the city was too slow to recover from the effects of food shortages and typhus epidemics.As a journalist who caught the first months of Soviet rule in the city, McCullagh found Omsk "paralyzed" by fears of epidemic and persecution by the local Extraordinary Commission.He did not feel safe during his forced stop in Omsk because as a former member of the British military mission (i.e., an enemy of Soviet power), he could be identified and arrested at any time.
McCullagh and Mackenzie witnessed searches and document checks as part of the fight against speculation and control of illegal activities.In both cases, their status of foreign citizens helped them stay out of trouble.To their luck, the inspecting Chekists were looking for domestic enemies only. 21ccording to F. Mackenzie, the main changes in Omsk were attributed to the manifestations of the new communist policy in Western Siberia "enforced with a thoroughness long since abandoned at Moscow." 22 The journalist referred to the large-scale expropriation of private housing in Omsk in favor of the state and the subsistence taxation of peasants, which caused widespread protests.According to Mackenzie, Omsk began to recover economically after the beginning of the NEP (New Economic Policy), but there was still a shortage of foreign investors who did not return to the country after the end of the Civil War.Mackenzie believed that the city had failed to regain the pre-revolutionary charm so prized by foreign tourists: Omsk itself, unfortunately, does not give the impression of prosperity.Ten years ago, there were some of the best hotels in Russia here.Now there is no place in the city worthy of being called a hotel.It was then the center of a great trade in American agricultural machinery, and the names of Deering and McCormick were well known.Hundreds of American, British, German, Danish and Norwegian firms had offices or agents there.I was in Omsk in 1922.All the former businesses had disappeared, and the city looked neglected and unkempt.But there were signs of revival of business activity." 23e journalist hoped that in the future Omsk would be able to overcome the post-war depression and recover.From 1925, the attention of journalists began to gradually shift to the new capital of Siberia, Novosibirsk.This change can be traced not only in newspaper articles but also in journalists' travelogues.Thus, Mackenzie's book published in 1923 is devoted to both Omsk and Novo-Nikolaevsk.The 1928 travelogue by Moscow correspondent of Chicago Daily News Junius Wood entitled Incredible Siberia is devoted his trip to Novosibirsk, the capital of the Soviet Siberian region, and the Altai cities of Barnaul, Biysk, and Ulalu.Wood did not make a separate trip to Omsk.It is indicative that Wood began his travelogue about his journey through Siberia with a description of constant document checks.The journalist ironically noted that the phrase "your documents, please" was almost a greeting in Soviet Russia of that period. 24sk in the era of transcontinental flights: meeting and escorting travellers Another round of attention of the English-language press to Omsk in the period between 1926 and 1938 was connected with the resumption of competitions to set new world records in the length of round-the-world journeys.This phenomenon appeared in the last third of the 19 th century as a follow-up of Jules Verne's idea expressed in the novel Around the World in 80 Days.Omsk became part of the round-the-world route after the Trans-Siberian Railway was launched.In 1913, John Henry Mears from the USA travelled through Omsk and some other Siberian cities and set another record in this competition.25 In the inter-war period, competitions in round-the-world speed travel continued.With the development of aviation after the end of the Second World War, longdistance flights with landing for refueling or changing transport on small airfields became popular among pilots.One of such airfields located on the round-the-world route of American pilots, was in Omsk.In 1926 and later, the American press invariably mentioned Omsk when there was a stop there during a round-the-world journey or a long-distance non-stop flight.According to our calculations, there were seven landings in Omsk during that period as part of transcontinental journeys and flights to set a world record (see the Table ).The peculiarity of the foreign visits to Omsk listed in the table above was that the Soviet authorities were as much involved as possible in organizing and controlling the travellers' actions in the Soviet territory.In the absence of diplomatic recognition by the United States, the Soviet Union pursued a policy of openness to those foreigners who could speak of Soviet hospitality at its best.Its main objective was to compete for American public opinion and to create favorable ground for the establishment of future Soviet-American diplomatic relations.Travellers and pilots were well suited for such a purpose because their movement on the Soviet soil was widely and thoroughly covered in the foreign press.It should also be noted that in the mid-1920s and early 1930s, the Soviet Union was actively involved in transcontinental flights and was also interested in importing American airplanes and parts for them.Therefore, there were no problems in obtaining flight permits for American pilots.The matter of issuing visas for pilots to cross the territory of the Soviet Union was solved at the highest level through the Politburo of the Central Committee of the VKP(b) or through the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs.27 The Soviet authorities made various concessions for foreign pilots.For example, they were allowed to cross the air border of the Soviet Union without a visa, which was issued after landing in Moscow.28 Moreover, Evans and Wells were allowed to carry equipment for photography, although already in the 1920s the authorities did not allow any photographs to be taken in the USSR without prior approval.As a result, Wells was able to include several photographs taken in Omsk in his book about his round-the-world journey.
In return for some concessions in the process of obtaining the necessary documents and the ceremonial welcome given to the American travellers, Soviet officials counted on a favorable evaluation and spread of good reviews of the stay in the USSR.After the successful journey, Wells published the book Around the World in 28 Days, in which he enthusiastically and emotionally described his arrival and stay in Omsk. 29uring Howard Hughes' 30 flight through the territory of the USSR, the Soviet diplomats, employees of the Soviet embassy in the United States, closely monitored American press coverage of the Soviet reception of the pilot.They noted that "the expectations of a good political effect of our assistance to Hughes exceeded all initial expectations." 31In addition to the press, this is proved by the letters the Russian Mission to the USA received, various conversations with numerous people, and a number of other things." 32At the same time, vigilant Soviet diplomats were unhappy 27 Moscow -Washington: The Politics and Diplomacy of the Kremlin, 1921-1941, vol.2,   1929-1933, ed.G.N. Sevost'yanov (Moscow: Nauka, 2009), 218; Yu.V. Ivanov, comp., Soviet-American Relations.Years of Non-Recognition.1927-1933 (Moscow: MFD, 2002), 436.
28 Ivanov, Soviet-American Relations, 454. 29L. Wells, Around the World in Twenty-Eight Days (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1926), 160-63. 30 Howard Hughes (1905-1976), an American aerospace engineer, business tycoon, film producer, investor, philanthropist, and pilot.He was the founder of Howard Hughes Medical Institute, an American non-profit medical research organization, one of the top 10 richest private charitable foundations in the world. 31In the 1940s and earlier the surname Hughes was commonly pronounced and written in the Soviet Union as Yuz and it is spelt so in the original document.See "TASS.Howard Hughes flew to Omsk" [in Russian], Pravda, no. 191, 1938, 3. 32  to note in their reports any criticism of the airfields the Americans visited.In particular, the negative assessment by Land's flight engineer of the landing site in Omsk ("a muddy puddle") was perceived by the Soviet diplomats painfully.The staff of the Russian Mission did everything in their power to ensure that Hughes praised Soviet assistance in setting the new world record. 33rcumnavigation map showing the route (black line) of American pilot Howard Hughes in 1938 Source: Wilmington Morning News, vol.114, no.11 (1938): 3

Visits of foreigners to Omsk in the period of the emergence of restrictedaccess cities (1940s-60s)
After the outbreak of the Second World War, transcontinental flights of foreign travellers became impossible.In May 1941, shortly before the German invasion of the Soviet Union, a new phase in the process of securitization of the Soviet territory and borders began.The external threat under the conditions of the ongoing world war prompted the Soviet state to form vast territorial zones that were excluded from visits by foreign diplomats.On May 16, 1941, the American embassy in Moscow received a verbal note from the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs informing it that henceforth any travel within the Soviet Union was to be coordinated with the Foreign of the American Pilot Howard Hughes in the USSR, August 2, 1938" [in Russian], in Soviet-American Relations.1934-1939, comp.B.I. Zhilyaev et al. (Moscow: MFD, 2003) Ministry and with the People's Commissariats of Defense and Navy of the USSR. 34n addition, the note included a list of cities and territories forbidden to be visited by foreign citizens.These were the vast border areas along the entire territory of the Soviet Union, which were now considered important strategic territories.US Ambassador to the Soviet Union Laurence Steinhardt noted in his telegram as of May 17, 1941 to the State Department that a ban on the movement of embassy personnel inside the country was actually introduced. 35In Siberia, that ban applied to all regions that had land or water borders with neighboring states.Omsk Oblast, formed in 1934, was not among those regions, but it bordered on the Kazakh SSR, which, in its turn, was closed to foreigners. 36The Soviet Union's entry into the war with Nazi Germany and the formation of the anti-Hitler coalition temporarily suspended this ban.The US assistance in the common struggle against the Nazis, in particular the lend-lease program, was impossible without the trips of American diplomats, engineers, and entrepreneurs to Siberia and the Urals during the Great Patriotic War.Individual American citizens who represented commercial enterprises for the purchase of raw materials were granted access to Omsk.During the war years, the export of fur to the USA, which was one of the most important sources of income for the Soviet economy in the 1930s -60s, also went on through the territory of the city.From December 1941 to May 1942, the representatives of three New York firms (Papert-Strasbourg, Kestenbaum Brothers, and Anglo-American Fur Merchants Corporation) worked in Omsk, buying fur from Soyuzpushnina. 37long with other industrial cities of Siberia and the Urals, Omsk was included in the itinerary of Eric Johnston's trip to the Soviet Union in the summer of 1944. 38ohnston, who was the president of the US Chamber of Commerce, and several journalists who accompanied him visited defense enterprises, talked with the administration of factories and cities.Johnston's visit to Omsk was later covered by journalist William Lindsay White in his book Report on the Russians.In this book, the image of the city was created, first of all, by means of reproduction of conversations with the administration of the city and enterprises, accompanying persons, and ordinary citizens.Being a good observer, White noted not only the hospitality of the Russians but also the significant differences in the worldviews of the two peoples.White's dialog with the chairman of the Omsk City Executive Committee K. Koshelev concerned the attitude of the city head to the system of municipal elections rather than the prospects of postwar cooperation.At the same time, White wrote very briefly about the visit to Tank Plant no.174, noting the cleanliness and order in the workshops that were much cleaner than anything they had seen in Russia earlier. 39he delegation of American journalists also included Harrison Salisbury, a correspondent for the United Press news agency.He covered the trip in a completely different way, showing American newspaper readers the military might of the enterprises of the Urals and Siberia. 40Salisbury did not write an article about his impressions of Omsk and the city's military plants.It is noteworthy that Salisbury later condemned White's book about what he had seen in the Soviet Union, considering his critical observations to be taken out of context. 41fter the end of the Second World War, the allied relations between the Soviet Union and the United States quickly came to an end.Within a few years, foreign policy differences led to the Cold War.The struggle against cosmopolitanism and servility to the West began.Against this background, movement around the country for foreigners became even more difficult.All foreign diplomats and journalists had to stay in Moscow and were not allowed to travel by car from the capital at a distance exceeding fifty kilometers.However, even such trips were limited to ten specific destinations.Any travel outside the city required prior authorization.When journalists and diplomats applied to visit certain sites or to travel outside the capital, they were most often refused. 42or the first time in the post-war period, diplomatic embassy employees were allowed to travel to a number of cities in the Soviet Union only in the late fall of 1948.Along with Tbilisi, Astrakhan, Stalingrad, Kharkov, Odessa and Chkalov, Omsk was on the list of the cities to visit, as can be seen in a short news item by the и "McCormick" были хорошо известны.Сотни американских, британских, немецких, датских и норвежских фирм имели там свои отделения или агентов.Я был в Омске в 1922 году.Весь прежний бизнес исчез, и город выглядел запущенным и неухоженным.Но наблюдались признаки оживления деловой активности 23 .Журналист надеялся, что в будущем Омск сумеет преодолеть послевоенную депрессию и возродиться.Омск в 1914 году.Вид на железный мост Источник: Lethbridge A.B. The New Russia: from the White Sea to the Siberian steppe.New York: E.P. Dutton and Company, 1915.P. 258 C 1925 г. внимание журналистов все больше стало переключаться на новую столицу Сибири -Новосибирск.Это изменение можно проследить не только по газетным публикациям, но и по травелогам журналистов.Книга Маккензи, опубликованная в 1923 г., в равной степени посвящена Омску и Новониколаевску.Травелог московского корреспондента «Чикаго Дейли Ньюз» Джуниуса Вуда «Невероятная Сибирь» 1928 г. посвящен поездке в столицу советского Сибирского края Новосибирск и алтайские города -Барнаул, Бийск, Улалу.Отдельной поездки в Омск Вуд не совершал.Показательно, что свой травелог о путешествии по Сибири Вуд начал с описания постоянных проверок Исследования Д.М.Нечипорук.Секьюритизация городского пространства: посещение советского Омска иностранцами в 1920-е -1960-е гг.

Table Travelers and pilots who visited Omsk in 1926-38 26
YesThe French pilots Girier and Dordilly, who made the longest non-stop flight from Paris to Omsk Source: IllyustrirovannayaRossiya, no.32, 1926, 4 Urban Space Securitization: Foreign Visits to Soviet Omsk in the 1920s-1960s Research "Letter from K.A. Umanskii, Chargé d'Affaires of the USSR in the USA, to F.S. Weinberg, Head of the 3 rd Western Department of the NKID of the USSR on the USA's Response to the Stay D.М.Nechiporuk.Historia Provinciae -the Journal of Regional History, 2024, vol.8, no. 2 ISSN 2587-8344 (online) 417